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CUBAN INDEPENDENCE. 



SPEECH 



HON. WILLIAM L. GREENE, 






OF NEBRASKA, 




HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



Tuesday, Aprii. 12, 1898. 



WASHINGTON. 

1898. 









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£ 7^ /■ 



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SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM L. GREENE. 



The House Leing in Committee of tlio Whole on the state of the Union, and 
having under consideration the bill (S. 924) to authorize the Washington and 
Glen Echo Railroad Company to obtain a right of way and construct tracks 
into the District of Columbia COO feet- 
Mr, GREENE said: 

Mr. Chairman: We have reached a critical point in the history 
of tliis nation. We have reached a point where partisanship 
should be forgotten. We have come to a place in the pathway of 
our nation's history where Vv'e ought to be American citizens and 
not partisans. 

If I were consulting simply what is best for the party to which 
I belong, or what is best for the minority in this Chamber, I would 
want to see the majority delay. I would favor the continued sus- 
pense as to what shall be the outcome of the great question now 
uppermost in the minds of the people. I am devoted to the prin- 
ciples of the party to which I belong; devoted to them because I 
believe they are embedded in truth, because I believe they will 
make for the upbuilding of the American people. 

But, Mr. Chairman, while I am devoted to the principles of the 
party to which I belong, I am, first and above all, an American 
citizen, and I seek first the welfare and glory of my country. I 
seek the honor of my country, the upbuilding of my country, and 
whatever I believe makes for this purpose, for its peace, its honor, 
and its permanent prosperity, I welcome, whether it comes from 
this or that or the other section of this Chamber, or any one of 
the political organizations into which it is divided. 

While differing widely from my Republican friends upon eco- 
nomic questions, yet I trust and believe I shall never reach the 
point where I can not believe that Republicans are patriotic, as 

devoted to their country as I am. I, as a member of this House, 
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have no riglit to call in qnestion the patriotism of this side or that 
side of the Chamber, and I conscientiously believe that there is 
as much genuine love of America and American institutions on 
the one side as upon the other. 

It afforded me the greatest satisfaction a few weeks ago to see 
a unanimous vote by this House, and by the other end of this 
Capitol, turning over to the President of the United States §50,- 
000.000 to use as his judgment might dictate for the protection 
of American interests and the maintenance of American honor. 

I have wished and still hope that we may arrive at a position in 
the crisis which now confronts us, and which we soon mustmeett 
and settle, where there will be no division; that we can arrive at 
such a solution of the question that we can say to the world that 
the American Congress is a unit; that we march forward in solid 
phalanx to uphold and defend our common country. But we must 
stop and consider what is presented to us— what we are asked to 
do, and the result of the step which we are about to take. 

Now, there are a number of views in this Chamber. There are 
those who believe that we ought to declare open war with Spain. 
There are others who believe that we ought to recognize the in- 
dependence of the Cuban Republic and stop there. There are 
others who believe that we ought to intervene in the Island of 
Cuba for the purpose of stopping hostilities. We ought, there- 
fore, I repeat, as careful, conscientious men, to stop and consider 
what is presented and what will be the outcome of the adoption 
of either of these propositions. 

It is not enough for us to shut our eyes and say that some good 
will come out of it, or that it is not probable that this thing or 
that thing will occur. I have long since learned, sir, that when 
we embark upon any issue, it is the part of wisdom to ask, 
What do we make possible by such a course? Not what will 
likel/ occur, not what will probably happen, but what may hap- 
pen if we adopt that course, because we never can tell what tho 
future will develop. 

So, I beg of you to-day to consider well all tho possibilities as 
well as th3 probabilities that surround either of the propositions 
whicji will soon be submitted for our consideration. 
TJe President of the United States has sent us his me/sage, and 
S350 



I am not here to criticise it cr review it in a partisan spirit. A 
large part of it is patriotic and statesmanlike and will receive 
the approval of the American people; but what do we have pre- 
sented to us in it for our action? 

What are we asked to do? "We are simply asked to permit the 
President of the United States to intervene in the Island of Cuba, 
peaceably if he can. forcibly if he must. And what more? To 
restore order on the Island of Cuba and give the people a stable 
form of government. Is there a gentleman upon this floor who 
knows what kind of a government is proposed for Cuba? Is it to 
be a government by the people of Cuba and for the people of Cuba, 
or is it to be a stable government under the Spanish flag? Does 
any gentleman know? If he knows, he can look further into the 
future and can divine mysteries far beyond any capabilities that 
I possess. 

But let us stop and ask, What does intervention in the Island 
of Cuba mean? If we simply intervene, we say, first, that we have 
no cause for war agamst Spain. We say that the children of the 
Spanish Government have become recreant and disobedient, and 
that the friendly power of Spain is unable to control those chil- 
dren and to restore peace in her territory, and we intervene for 
the purpose of settling it for them. That is all. Nothing more 
than that, nothing less than that. And here I will remark that 
if we have cause to intervene in Cuba to-day, the same cause has 
existed for two long, weary years. 

Men and women have been starving. Babies have starved in 
their mother's arms. Sword and fire have devastated that island. 
Horrors beyond the power of human language to depict have ex- 
isted there, and yet we have remained silent. What has arisen 
lately to demand the intervention of the United States? Nothing 
new. The same old story of atrocity and of Spanish brutality, 
the same old story of inhumanity and brutal force, of ignomini- 
ous death and ruin, that for two years have confronted the Ameri- 
can people. 

I say that if we simply intervene we admit that Spain is a 
friendly power. We further admit that all Cubans are Spanish 
subjects. We say there is no government in Cuba that we can 
recognize except the Spanish Government. Simple intervention 

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6 

is not a declaration of war. I want to ask this House, if we do 
intervene and Spain should elect not to treat our intervention as 
a. cause for her making a declaration of war, then all Spanish 
subjects on that island must be pacified and pacified by us. Sup- 
pose that Spain, as I have said, refuses to regard our intervention 
as a cause of war and lays down her arms, ceases to fight, and 
says, "Why, I am ready to be pacified! " 
Mr. SMITH of Kentucky. She has done that now. 
Mr. GREENE. She Has already done it. She has notified the 
people of the United States that she is ready to declare an armis- 
tice over the island now. In what position do wo find ourselves 
when we enter the island and Spain agrees to stop? Will we not 
then have to turn against Gomez and his band of patriots? Sup- 
pose Gomez, with his band of 30,000 patriots, says: "For three 
years have we waged this war; for three years we have struggled 
and suffered to obtain our liberty. I am unwilling, to lay down 
my arms at this juncture. If we should enter into an armistice 
with Spain and lay down our arms indefinitely, the rainy season 
will pass by, the one in which Spain can not fight; the hour of our 
opportunity will have passed away; and I will not, therefore, lay 
down my arms. We will fight on for liberty." 

I want to ask, gentlemen, what are we going to do about it? 
Spain is pacified. Spain has laid down her arms. Gomez says 
I will wage the warfare until liberty shall perch upon the Cuban 
banner. If we are simply going over there to pacify the island 
what is there left for us to do if what I have said should occur, 
except to turn our guns upon the Cuban patriots and compel them 
to lay down their arms! 

What else could we do? They refuse to lay their guns down; 
they refuse to quit fighting. Spain agrees to stop. We are there 
to pacify. If we pacify them, that means we will pacify them 
with the sword unless we can do it by peaceable means. Is there 
a Representative upon this floor who would lift up his voice or 
give his vote to make it possible to turn American guns on brave 
Gomez and his 30,000 patriots? 

What would be the condition of affairs in this country if we had 
gone there for the purpose of pacifying the Island of Cuba and 

American guns had been turned on Gomez? What would be the 
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effect of it? How would you feel confronting your constit'ients 
when you voted to make such a condition of affairs possible? Ah, 
but, say gome gentlemen, I am not in favor of that. Such a con- 
tingency as that will never arise. No American will ever fire his 
gun in the direction of a Cuban patriot. 

But I am talking about what may result. If Gomez will not 
lay down his arms, then we are either compelled to fight Gomez 
or vacate the island. Either one or the other. Now, that is what 
simple intervention may lead to. That is, at least, one of the pos- 
sibilities. Are we ready to do that? Are we ready to make any 
such thing a possibility? I trust there is not one here who is 
ready to do it. After we get the island of Cuba pacified, I want 
to ask gentlemen, what does the President intend to do with it? 
Mr. BRUCKER. Give it a carpet-bag government under quasi 
military rule. 

Mr. GREENE. I am not discussing this in a partisan sense, 
but I fear that will be the result. Suppose we have got Spain to 
lay down her arms, and Gomez has laid down his, and we have a 
perfect state of tranquillity from one end of the island to the 
other. They are all pacified. Now, what are we going to do with 
the island? There is one of three things we can do. We can 
either pacify the island and turn it back to Spain, or can take it 
ourselves, or we can turn it over to the people of the island. 

Now, which one are you going to do? Is there anything in the 
message of our President that gives us an intimation of what he 
intends to do with the island after it is pacified? Is there any gen- 
tleman on that side of the House who knows what he intends to 
do with it? 
Mr. STEPHENS of Texas. How about Hanna? 
Mr. GREENE. I was not going to allude to Hanna, but h© 
may know. Is there an American citizen who woiild ever con- 
sent that v/e should turn the island back again to the Spanish 
Government? Would anybody tolerate it in this country? Are 
we to expend our money, take the chance of death from fever ou 
the island to pacify the island, and then turn it back to the Span- 
ish Government? I say such a thing would never be tolerated by 
the American people because it would be an outrage ou the peo- 
ple of Cuba. 
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8 

I want your careful attention just here. If Spain is a friendly 
power — and we admit her to he when we intervene and say we have 
no cause for war; we go to subdue her rebellious children — can we 
sfford, as a Christian nation, to turn around and steal her island? 
Are you in favor of that? A friendly power — a power in which 
the President has expressed the greatest confidence as to its hon- 
esty and integrity. Well, you say, we are going to let the people 
put up a government for themselves. 

Gentlemen, there are some qiiestions confronting us just at this 
point that we ought to carefully and seriously consider. You 
must bear in mind that there are held by the people of foreign 
governments large sums of bonds issued by the Spanish Govern- 
ment and predicated largely upon the revenues which Spain de- 
rives from Cuba. If we go and take the Island of Cuba, admit- 
ting Spain to be a friendly power, and when we get it pacified we 
turn around and take that island away from the Spanish Govern- 
ment, what will be the attitude and right of the foreign powers 
whose citizens hold the obligations of Spain predicated upon the 
revenues of that island? 

Do you not know that France, Germany, and England would step 
to the front and say to this country, " You can not steal the terri- 
tory of a friendly power unless you make the obligations good?" 
Do you not know they would do it? Is there a man doubts it? I 
want to ask you, in all candor, if you do not believe European na- 
tions would have a right to demand it if we admit Spain to be a 
friendly power? 

If we go admitting Spain to be our friend, admitting she is the 
sovereign government of the island, and simply go as a pacifier, 
and when pacification has taken place we attempt to steal the 
territory, would not foreign nations that hold the obligations of 
Spain have a right in equity to say to us, "Before you take that 
territory you must make good the obligations of Spain based upon 
its demands?" 

" Oh," but you say, " we do not intend to take it ourselves." If 
we attempt to take it from Spain and give it to somebody else, it 
would be just the same as if we took it ourselves. If we attempt 
to deprive the Spanish Government of their land, admitting her 
to be a friendly power, it matters not whether we take the terri- 

£2o0 



9 

tory ourselves or take it and turn it over to somebody else. Here 
lies the danger, and I shall miss my guess if this thing does not 
rise tip to plague us. 

Mr. LOVE. But suppose we recognize their independence? 

Mr, GREENE. I am coming to that. 

Mr. SMITH of Kentucky. Do you believe the other nations of 
the world would permit us to take the territory, if it is a friendly 
power? 

Mr. GREENE. That is what I say; they would not. We are 
to intervene, and when that is accomplished— we attempt to seize 
this territory either for ourselves or to turn it over to the Cubans— 
the foreign powers will be to the front, the citizens of which hold 
the Spanish bonds, saying you must do one of two things; you 
must either guarantee the payment of those bonds yourselves or 
you must slip the government that you are going to establish in 
Cuba under them and have her assume them. There is where we 
are going. You have noticed all along that two words continually 
crop out in this whole Cuban matter. One is "buy" and the 
other is "bonds." 

Mr. MAHON. We are not going to take Spain. 

Mr. GREENE, Of course you are not; but if you take Spanish 
territory and thereby deprive her of it, that makes the obligation 
to foreign nations a matter of contention. These nations will tell 
you that before you can take the territory of Spain and deprive 
her of the power to meet her obligations, you must in some way 
make the obligations good. That is what they hope and what 
they believe. You know the power behind the throne as well as 
I know it. 

They tell us we are going to organize a government there or 
allow the Cubans to organize one themselves. Now, follow me 
along. Suppose we say that foreign powers would not step in and 
compel us to assume the Cuban bonds or slip the Cuban govern- 
ment under them. Then what? We are going to have a govern- 
ment by Cuba in which, as the gentleman remarked the other 
day, that only the people of Cuba shall participate in. Do you not 
know that the towns and cities on the Island of Cuba are Span- 
ish? They are loyal to the Spanish Crown. 

Now, we are going to have an election and we are going to let all 

3350 



10 

the people vote in the towns and cities and conntry. The Cuban 
people throughout the rural districts know nothing about popular 
government. The bondholders of Spain will be at that election and 
control it. You all know something about the power of money 
in a popular election. Do you not know what would happen in 
that election in Cuba when the joower of Spanish bondholders was 
brought to bear upon it -with, the influence of Spanish subjects and 
Spanish sympathizers. 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Nebraska 
has expired. 

Mr. GREENE. Mr. Chairman , I would like a little more time- 
say half an hour. 

The CHAIRMAN, The gentleman from Nebraska asks to have 
his time extended one-half hour. 

Mr. MAHON. I ask, Mr. Chairman, unanimous consent that 
his time be extended half an hour. 

Mr. GREENE. I shall not occupy all that time. 

Mr. JENKINS. I would like to know how much time the gen- 
tleman will occupy? 

]\Ir. GREENE. I ask that my time be extended twenty-fivo 
minutes, and I may not occupy over twenty. 

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the gentleman's time, 
being extended twenty-five minutes? The Chair liears none. 

Mr. GREENE. As I was saying, Mr. Chairman, such an elec- 
tion would be controlled by the Spanish sympathizers and the 
holders of Spanish bonds. Nobody doubts for a single moment 
but what the moneyed interests of America would also take part 
in that election, and that they would elect a government that 
would voluntarily slip the people of that island under the bonds 
of the mother country. So that all the way through it, I do not 
care on what side you look, 1 do not care on what corner you may 
approach it, you will find all along bonds! bonds! bonds! 

Everywhere Spanish bonds, like Banquo's ghost, serenely pre- 
sent themselves for settlement. I want to say to you that is what 
there is in the question of peaceful intervention, and nothing 
more. 

But the President says we ought to turn the whole question 
over to him. In the first place, gentlemen, the power to declare 

3.150 



11 

war is granted to Congress. I have very grave doubts whether 
we can delegate that granted power if we wanted to do so. 1 am 
willing to assert my fixed belief that Congress has no authority to 
delegate any such power to the President of the United States, no 
matter how much or how little confidence we may have in him. 

Mr. McCLEARY. Docs the gentleman say that the power to 
conclude peace is vested in Congress? 

Mr. GREENE. The power to declare war. Now, then, not 
on]y in my judgment have we no right to delegate this power, 
but it strikes me the proposition that we should do so is the most 
marvelous ever presented by a President of the United States to 
the American Congress. What might it mean? In view of the 
past, we can all tell what it might mean. 

"Why, sir, we could have war to-day and peace to-morrow; hot 
to-day and cold to-morrow; rain to-day and drought tomorrow. 
The fellows on the inside, knowing just when the cold was going 
to be blown and when the hot — oh, what a time they would have 
on Y/all street! Just imagine! Now, I am not on the inside. 

Mr. FISCHER. That is not your ground of complaint, is it? 
Q [Laughter.] 

"^£ Mr. GREENE. No; but the history of the recent past makes ■ 
--' it all -important that no such power should be lodged in the Presi- 
dent. 

We can all understand what might hax)pen in such a contin- 
gency. It is dangerous to turn over to the President or any one 
else a power that can keep this great nation of ours in a per- 
turbed condition for six or twelve months at his own pleasure. 
What we want is to have this Cuban question settled. We want 
it settled now. We want it settled so that the American people 
may know what to depend upon. I agree with you Republicans, 
we want to have a wave of prosperity sweep over the country — 
we do not want to have it retarded or disturbed by this blowing' 
hot and cold that we have had for the past few weeks. This is a 
good thing, perhaps, for Hanna and some other people; but we 
do not want a continuation of it. We want this thing settled; 
we have the power as the representatives of the people to stop it. 
and to stop it effectually. 
Mr. BRUCKER. How do you propose to stop it? 

3250 



12 

Mr. GREENE. I am coming to that point. The way to stop 
it, and the only safe way, in my judgment, is, in the first place, to 
acknowledge the independence of the established Cuban Republic. 
[Applause on the Democratic side.] When you have acknowl- 
edged the independence of the Cuban Republic, you have said 
that Spain has already lost the island. We do not have to take it 
from her; she has lost it, and has lost it by the arms of the Cuban 
patriots. 

Ah! but it is said they have no government over there. The 
President thinks they have no government. But every gentleman 
on this floor who is conversant with the facts knows it to be true 
that they have a government. The Cuban Republic has control 
to-day of two-thirds of the Island of Cuba. It has control, in fact, 
of the whole island outside of a few fortified towns and cities. It 
has a postal system that is said to be better than that of Spain her- 
self. The mails are regularly distributed over the island, bearing 
postage stamps issued by the Cuban Republic. It has an army of 
80,000 well-armed and well-eqviipped soldiers. It has a system of 
levying and collecting taxes. Under the system which has been 
inaugurated it has collected more than $400,000 Yet it is said 
they have no government over there that we can recognize! 

Other gentleman say, "It will not do to recognize Cuban inde- 
pendence, because they have issued a lot of bonds." Why, sir, on 
the floor of this House the other day my distinguished friend from 
Ohio, General Grosvenor, unblushingly declared that the Cuban 
Republic had issued and scattered $400,000,000 of bonds. Hence, 
he argued, we can not afford to acknowledge the Cuban Republic, 
because that would bind them to the payment of those bonds. 
Mr. BRUCKER. No one took him seriously. 
Mr. GREENE. But the very next day the deputy treasurer of 
the Cuban Republic went before the Senate committee and swore, 
and by his books proved, that they had issued only $1,000,000 in 
bonds and had sold only $120,000 of such bonds. That was a wide 
margin between the statement of the gentleman from Ohio and 
the facts. Only a difference between $400,000,000 and $120,000! 
A Member. And those had been taken by their own people. 
Mr. GREENE. And some by ours. But suppose that they have 
issued bonds. It strikes me that a little over a year ago I heard 



13 

a great deal said in this country about " repudiation " and " repu- 
diationists." I heard a great deal said ahout men wanting to 
scale down the debts of the country, and you can not imagine my 
surprise when my venerable friend from Ohio stood up and bla- 
tantly and brazenly, in the Halls of Congress, said that he wanted 
to devise some kind of a scheme to make the Cuban Republic 
repudiate its bonds. 

Let me say to you, gentlemen, I am in favor of paying every 
debt this Grovernment owes. I am in favor of the Cuban Repub- 
lic paying every debt that it owes. I am not a repudiationist. I 
believe In paying every dollar that this or any other country owes, 
according to the exact letter of the contract that was made with 
the payees of the obligations. 

Is there a man here who wants to arrange some kind of a trick 
for preventing the Cubans paying their honest debts— debts con- 
tracted in securing their freedom? American citizens, Mr. Chair- 
man, have loaned them money to carry on this uneqiial warfare 
that they have sustained so long with the Spanish Government. 

That money has been expended in buying bread for their starv- 
ing families and guns and ammunition with which to shoot down 
the cruel and inhuman oppressors sent over from Spain. And 
now does the gentleman from Ohio, or any man, say that these 
American citizens who were kind enough to loan money to these 
people to help them fight their battles ought not to be paid? Is 
there a man on this floor so dishonest as to advocate the repudia- 
tion of the debt thus honestly created— a debt due to American 
citizens? 

Why, Mr. Chairman, I can not believe such a thing to be true, 
and must treat this statement as a mere joke. If we acknowledge 
the independence of Cuba, there could be no question of the lia- 
bility of the United States for taking it away from Spain. We 
would not then take it from Spain; but we say to the Cubans 
that they have fairly and legitimately, in the judgment of this 
country, won their freedom and are entitled to independence. I 
am, sir, not only in favor of acknowledging their independence, but 
in favor of following up that acknowledgment with a declaration 
of war against the Kingdom of Spain. [Applause,] 

But you say there is no cause for war with Spain. Ever since 



14 

that lamentable autl fatal night of February 15 last we have had 
just and proper cause for war with that Government. Turn your 
eyes to the harbor of Havana, and behold the scene of an Amer- 
ican battle ship, peacefully slumbering in what we had reason to 
believe was a friendly harbor. But was it a friendly harbor? 
Look now at the wreck that is left. Two hundred and sixty-six 
brave American seamen, in the twinkling of an eye, were sent to 
meet their God, by a villainous Spanish mine, touched off by the 
hands of a murderous Spaniard. 

But some may say "We do not know that they had anything to 
do with it." Mr. Chairman, nobody thinks that private citizens 
in Cuba are carrying around mines of this character in their 
pockets. Nobody believes that a Spanish private citizen is laying 
mines in Havana Harbor. Does any man here believe that a pri- 
vate citizen could have been able to understand the complicated 
connections of the mine with the mainland, so as to have enabled 
him to touch it off without the knowledge and consent of the 
Spanish authorities there? 

That in itself was a cause of war; and that cause exists to-day. 
It has not been relieved or removed by anything that has occurred 
since, and tmtil there shall be a full and complete settlement with 
Spain, not only for the destruction of our war ship, but for the 
murder of our American seamen, that will always remain a cau^e 
of war, and no other settlement, unless it be adequate, full, and 
complete, will ever satisfy the American public. [Applause.] 
You may patch it iip if you will; you may try to plaster it over 
as yoxi will ; but I tell you that the blood of these men will cry up 
from the harbor of Havana until vengeance shall have been 
meeted out by the hands of American soldiers. 

Do you want to fix it any other Vv-ay? Can you fix it any other 
way? If you declare war with Spain and acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of Cuba, we can fight Spain on the Island of Cuba, in 
Puerto Rico, in the Philippine Islands, and under the dome of her 
own capitol. And, Mr. Chairman, the American heart is ready 
and fired for the ordeal of battle whenever it shall come. 

You say this is jingoism. Mr. Chairman, I would rather be 
called a jingo than a Dongo. I would greatly prefer to be called 
a jirgoist than to be found apologizing for the atrocious and mer- 



15 

ciless action of the Spanish Government. [Applause.] Call it 
therefore what j-ou will. The American people will respond to 
the cause of justice and right. 

The American people are ready to fight, and they want to fight. 
Our ships are tugging at their moorings now, ready to avenge 
their dead sister ship. Our brave soldiers ask but for an oppor- 
tunity to be permitted to avenge their dead comrades, some of 
whom still sleep in the sunken ship. What, then, are we to do? 
Patch it up? 

Mr. Chairman, I desire to occupy but a moment further of time. 
I repeat what I have said. This country is ready now for the con- 
flict. If we take that position, we do not make the Cubans our 
enemies and we do not become theirs. If we must meet Spain, 
while we bombard her forts in front, if Gomez can fight her in the 
rear we have no objection in the world to it. Gentlemen, the 
time is here when we must do something, and do something that 
has a meaning. 

We can not afford to do less than that. I said I could only hope 
politically that you would not, for there will not be enough of you 
here next year to call the yeas and nays if you do not. You know 
that as well as I do. It is not news to you. But, I repeat, it has 
with me passed out of the realm of politics. I want to ask you, 
Republicans on this side and Democrats on that side, let us as 
American citizens and as representatives of a great country meet 
this crisis and meet it now. [Applause.] 

We can not afford to do otherwise. I believe that on both sides 
of the Chamber there are true, loyal hearts that will follow that 
old flag wherever it goes and follow it to victory. I believe you 
are just as unwilling to see its stars and stripes sullied as I am. 
As a common people, as patriotic citizens, laying aside our parties 
and our prejudices, I want to appeal to you in the name of my 
country, in the name of our murdered dead, and in the name of 
God, let us vindicate American honor and the American flag. 
[Applause.] 

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